birth: 1855
location:
death: 1906
location: Navarro County, Texas
father: Eli Carpenter
mother: Annzena Norris
spouse: Arthur Booth Sprowl
spouse: John Pickett
1850 census
1860 census
1870 census
1880 census
1900 census
burial
children with Arthur Booth Sprowl:
Ida G Sprowl - 1874
Jasper A Sprowl - 1876
Arthur B Sprowl - 1878
Walter Eugene Sprowl - 1881
children with John Pickett:
Robert G Pickett - 1892
Earnest R Pickett - 1895
Brownsboro School Board Shooting - 1960
Monday, December 12, 2016
Arthur B Sprowl - 1880 census
1880 census
location: Elmore County, Alabama
death: June 15, 1880
Arthur B Sprowl white male 37 married farmer
Laura V Sprowl white female 25 wife married keeping house
Ida G Sprowl white female 6 daughter single
Jasper A Sprowl white male 4 son single
Arthur B Sprowl white male 2 son single
Year: 1880; Census Place: Colemans, Elmore, Alabama; Roll: 12; Family History Film: 1254012; Page: 12D; Enumeration District: 067; Image: 0326
location: Elmore County, Alabama
death: June 15, 1880
Arthur B Sprowl white male 37 married farmer
Laura V Sprowl white female 25 wife married keeping house
Ida G Sprowl white female 6 daughter single
Jasper A Sprowl white male 4 son single
Arthur B Sprowl white male 2 son single
Year: 1880; Census Place: Colemans, Elmore, Alabama; Roll: 12; Family History Film: 1254012; Page: 12D; Enumeration District: 067; Image: 0326
Ida G Sprowl Wilson
birth: 1877
location: Alabama
death:
location: Texas
father: Arthur Booth Sprowl
mother: Laura V Carpenter
spouse: Samuel J Wilson
1880 census
marriage to Samuel J Wilson - 1892
1900 census
1910 census
1920 census
children with Samuel J Wilson:
Esther Wilson - 1893
Jesse R Wilson - 1895
Robert B Wilson - 1897
Willie J Wilson - 1899
Arthur Booth Wilson - 1900
Walter E Wilson - 1902
Clyde Desmon Wilson - 1906
location: Alabama
death:
location: Texas
father: Arthur Booth Sprowl
mother: Laura V Carpenter
spouse: Samuel J Wilson
1880 census
marriage to Samuel J Wilson - 1892
1900 census
1910 census
1920 census
children with Samuel J Wilson:
Esther Wilson - 1893
Jesse R Wilson - 1895
Robert B Wilson - 1897
Willie J Wilson - 1899
Arthur Booth Wilson - 1900
Walter E Wilson - 1902
Clyde Desmon Wilson - 1906
Sam J Wilson - 1900 census
1900 census
location: Navarro County, Texas
date: July 2, 1900
Sam J Wilson head white male June 1853 47 married 8 years Alabama farm laborer
Ida Wilson wife white female Aug 1874 25 married 5, 5 Alabama
Esta B Wilson daughter white female Nov 1892 7 single Texas
Jessie R Wilson daughter white female Feb 1895 5 single Texas
Robbert B Wilson son male white Aug 1896 3 single Texas
Willie J Wilson son male white Sep 1897 2 single Texas
Lonza Wilson son white male Arp 1900 3/12 single Texas
(enumerated nated to Laura Pickett, mother to Ida G. Sprowl)
Year: 1900; Census Place: Justice Precinct 1, Navarro, Texas; Roll: 1661; Page: 15A; Enumeration District: 0095; FHL microfilm: 1241661
location: Navarro County, Texas
date: July 2, 1900
Sam J Wilson head white male June 1853 47 married 8 years Alabama farm laborer
Ida Wilson wife white female Aug 1874 25 married 5, 5 Alabama
Esta B Wilson daughter white female Nov 1892 7 single Texas
Jessie R Wilson daughter white female Feb 1895 5 single Texas
Robbert B Wilson son male white Aug 1896 3 single Texas
Willie J Wilson son male white Sep 1897 2 single Texas
Lonza Wilson son white male Arp 1900 3/12 single Texas
(enumerated nated to Laura Pickett, mother to Ida G. Sprowl)
Year: 1900; Census Place: Justice Precinct 1, Navarro, Texas; Roll: 1661; Page: 15A; Enumeration District: 0095; FHL microfilm: 1241661
Samuel J Wilson - 1920 census
1920 census
location: Corsicana, Navarro County, Texas
date: January 3, 1920
Samuel J Wilson head male white 70 married Alabama
Ida G Wilson wife female white 43 married Alabama
Clyde D Wilson son male white 13 single Texas
Walter E Wilson son male white 16 single Florida
Year: 1920; Census Place: Corsicana Ward 2, Navarro, Texas; Roll: T625_1836; Page: 3B; Enumeration District: 145; Image: 249
location: Corsicana, Navarro County, Texas
date: January 3, 1920
Samuel J Wilson head male white 70 married Alabama
Ida G Wilson wife female white 43 married Alabama
Clyde D Wilson son male white 13 single Texas
Walter E Wilson son male white 16 single Florida
Year: 1920; Census Place: Corsicana Ward 2, Navarro, Texas; Roll: T625_1836; Page: 3B; Enumeration District: 145; Image: 249
Samuel J Wilson
birth: January 1849-1853
location: Alabama
death:
location: Texas
father:
mother:
spouse: Ida G. Sprowl
marriage to Ida G. Sprowl - 1892
1900 census
1910 census
1920 census
children with: Ida G. Sprowl
Esther Wilson - 1893
Jesse R Wilson - 1895
Robert B Wilson - 1897
Willie J Wilson - 1899
Arthur Booth Wilson - 1900
Walter E Wilson - 1902
Clyde Desmon Wilson - 1906
location: Alabama
death:
location: Texas
father:
mother:
spouse: Ida G. Sprowl
marriage to Ida G. Sprowl - 1892
1900 census
1910 census
1920 census
children with: Ida G. Sprowl
Esther Wilson - 1893
Jesse R Wilson - 1895
Robert B Wilson - 1897
Willie J Wilson - 1899
Arthur Booth Wilson - 1900
Walter E Wilson - 1902
Clyde Desmon Wilson - 1906
Samuel J Wilson - 1910 census
1910 census
location: Ellis County, Texas
date: May 10-11, 1910
Samuel J Wilson head male white 61 married (2) 19 years Alabama farm labor
Ida Wilson wife female white 35 married (1) 19 years 8, 6 Alabama
Esther B Wilson daughter female white 17 single Texas
Jesse R Wilson son male white 15 single Texas
Willie J Wilson son male white 11 single Texas
Authur B Wilson son male white 10 single Texas
Walter E Wilson son male white 8 single Texas
Clyde D Wilson son male white 4 single Texas
Year: 1910; Census Place: Justice Precinct 3, Ellis, Texas; Roll: T624_1550; Page: 12A; Enumeration District: 0130; FHL microfilm: 1375563
location: Ellis County, Texas
date: May 10-11, 1910
Samuel J Wilson head male white 61 married (2) 19 years Alabama farm labor
Ida Wilson wife female white 35 married (1) 19 years 8, 6 Alabama
Esther B Wilson daughter female white 17 single Texas
Jesse R Wilson son male white 15 single Texas
Willie J Wilson son male white 11 single Texas
Authur B Wilson son male white 10 single Texas
Walter E Wilson son male white 8 single Texas
Clyde D Wilson son male white 4 single Texas
Year: 1910; Census Place: Justice Precinct 3, Ellis, Texas; Roll: T624_1550; Page: 12A; Enumeration District: 0130; FHL microfilm: 1375563
Friendship Cemetery, Henderson County, Texas - A History
In the 1870s the Friendship Community of Henderson County consisted of several houses and a church. Henry A. Parker had expressed interested in being buried in the Friendship Cemetery because there was a church located there, and the likelihood of the cemetery being maintained because of its proximity to the church was good. Many of Parker's relatives lived near the Leagueville Community, but in the late 1870s there was not yet a church in Leagueville.
In 1879, 54 year old Parker was putting a roof on a school that was located between New Hope and Jennings Mountain. He fell off the roof and broke his neck. Parker's widow buried him in the Friendship Cemetery. At that time there were a handful of other burials there.
There were several houses located around the Friendship Community in the late 19th century. George W. Kidd and his family lived there, as well as members of the Culberson, Wallace, and Scott families.
In 1880, the roof of the Friendship Community Church fell in and the church went away. In December 1880 Hopewell Baptist Church in the Leagueville Community was established. It would later be renamed Leagueville Baptist Church. In the Leagueville Cemetery there can be found several descendants of Henry A. Parker.
Today the Friendship Cemetery is not maintained. Next to this cemetery is another Friendship Cemetery, also known as Friendship Cemetery for African American burials. That cemetery is well-maintained with over 200 burials.
Friendship Cemetery is located just 1/10 mile off FM 317 on CR 3609, East of Leagueville 4.2 miles and west of Antioch 1.4 miles. Access to the cemetery is gained through the African American Frienship Cemetery and to the right.
In 1879, 54 year old Parker was putting a roof on a school that was located between New Hope and Jennings Mountain. He fell off the roof and broke his neck. Parker's widow buried him in the Friendship Cemetery. At that time there were a handful of other burials there.
There were several houses located around the Friendship Community in the late 19th century. George W. Kidd and his family lived there, as well as members of the Culberson, Wallace, and Scott families.
In 1880, the roof of the Friendship Community Church fell in and the church went away. In December 1880 Hopewell Baptist Church in the Leagueville Community was established. It would later be renamed Leagueville Baptist Church. In the Leagueville Cemetery there can be found several descendants of Henry A. Parker.
Today the Friendship Cemetery is not maintained. Next to this cemetery is another Friendship Cemetery, also known as Friendship Cemetery for African American burials. That cemetery is well-maintained with over 200 burials.
Friendship Cemetery is located just 1/10 mile off FM 317 on CR 3609, East of Leagueville 4.2 miles and west of Antioch 1.4 miles. Access to the cemetery is gained through the African American Frienship Cemetery and to the right.
Friday, December 2, 2016
It was a night to air grievances. When it was over, one man lay dead and a former mayor was charged with the murder
Brownsboro, Tex., June 19, 1960
Everybody who could squeeze into the high school study hall was there. Men and women and children crammed the hot room like sardines, and overflowed into the hall. If you counted the people out on the school's green lawn, you'd guess 200 were there altogether. Not one of them was smiling.
There was anger in that room -- the cat fighting, scratching, crazy kind of madness that prompts little children to pull a favorite rag doll apart, rather than let each other play with it. This time, the rag doll was the Brownsboro, Tex., public school system, and grown men were playing tug of war with it. The Board of Education met at 7 p.m. Thursday, June 16, and the public was invited. It was hot, inside and out.
The high that day hit 90, with a strong dose of humidity. It was still 88 at sundown. Clammy heat was like death hanging in the air, prodding the sweating, angry people, pricking their tempers, pushing them toward violence. Thus have riots and mobs always simmered into boiling rage.
Everyone in Brownsboro had picked his side. There were those who came to the meeting to take sides, and there were those who stayed at home taking sides. An oldtimer who suatted in shade near the school entrance muttered, "They's them that tries to make out their minds ain't set, but give 'em a little fuss, and they'll bristle like hogs. Yep, ever' man in town's branded one side or t'other."
The Jacksons were there. Clarence taught agriculture in the high school, and there was a Jackson boy who'd complained to some of the school board members about the 33 seniors not getting their diplomas this year. The diploma fiasco had started a month before graduation when the school board fired Home Bass, who'd been superintendent in Brownsboro for 23 years. The seniors petitioned the board to place Bass' name on their diplomas, refusing to accept the new man's signature. The situation was still stalemated, with officials claiming the diplomas never arrived from a Houston printer, the post office protesting they did arrive, and the graduates bitterly refusing any without Bass' signature.
The Jackson boy was one of a group who called on new school board member Charles C. Rahm, an osteopathic doctor, and comparative newcomer in town. Rahm, they said, refused to hear their complaint, threatened to eject them from his office, and signed a police complaint against them for "disturbance." The charge was still pending as townspeople pushed into the high school for the public board meeting.
Homer Bass, the controversial exsuperintendent, stayed home, but his sister was there. She was Mrs. Clarence Jackson, wife of the agriculture teacher. Clarence Jackson's brother, Thurman, and his whole family, found space together in the study hall. Thurman Jackson and his wife had been school teachers in Beaumont, Tex. They'd resigned their positions to come home to Brownsboro when Jackson's mother-in-law became seriously ill. Thurman was operating the Birdwell Lumber Yard for her. Brother Clarence continued teaching agriculture in the hometown.
Like Clarence, Thurman was vitally interested in the school. He and his wife were trained teachers, and they had two daughters in the Brownsboro school system. All the Jacksons gathered for this meeting. They were solidly entrenched behind the banner of ousted superintendent, Homer Bass.
A Negro man stepped into the stream of crowding spectators, and let himself be swept into the room. Inside, he took a position against the rear wall, and stood waiting for the time when the board might hear a complaint from Bullock, Brownsville's (Brownsboro's) segregated school for colored children. The newly organized anti-Bass school board had just refused to rehire nine of Bullock's 14 teachers!
Bill Barton and his wife were there. Barton had long been a member of the school board. In the April 2 public election, he lost. His place went to an anti-Bass man.
W. B. Knight wasn't there. He'd been president of the school board before the April 2 election. He'd served six terms on the board. But his place had gone to another of Dr. Rahm's anti-Bass men.
Lanky, graying, Knight preferred to wash his hands of the whole mess, now that he'd been voted out. He tended his service station, across the alley from Dr. Rahm's new osteopathic clinic, and tried to put the problems of the school board out of his mind.
He was probably at the station now, selling a tank of gas, although he couldn't really forget what was going on a block and a half away, in the well-kept brick and concrete school building he'd helped build.
Homer Bass and W. B. Knight deliberately missed the meeting. They hoped the school system could weather this furor and survive. They didn't want to heap coals on the fire. But their friends, their kin, the people they'd served, packed the study hall a hundred strong. The school board regulated the educations of 1000 students.
In addition to the Jackson brothers and their families, Bill Barton, and the group from Bullock school, there were dozens like Jack Brewer, George Rash, Clarence Hatton, and Bill Melton. There was Arlin Boles, nephew of C. C. Boles, present school tax collector and a long time friend of the Bass family.
Twenty-three years ago, before Homer Bass became superintendent, his brother R. T. Bass, had been superintendent for seven or eight years. One day, R. T. Bass and C. C. Boles went to Athens, Tex., to negotiate a land lease, in connection with the school being consolidated. They stayed in an Athens hotel. That night R. T. Bass started down the stairs from his room, lost his footing and fell the length of the stairway, breaking his neck.
That incident, now 23 years old, had triggered the first distrust against his brother, Homer Bass.
First, there was unfounded gossip that R. T. Bass was under the influence of alcohol when he fell to his death. People who didn't know either brother accused them of excessive drinking.
Second, the school board made Homer Bass superintendent, promoting him from another Texas school in preference to a Brownsboro teacher who was expecting the job. Backers of the overlooked candidate never forgot, even after their man chose another business, worked at it, and retired.
Old timers who remembered these ancient but still smoldering resentments attended the meeting, backing up Dr. Rahm and his new school board. Dr. Rahm and his group had additional, more powerful support.
There was the Brownsboro banker, tall, well built and distinguished looking. he had fallen out with Superintendent Bass and the old school board more than 15 years ago. In those days, the state was slow in sending payroll cash to the Brownsboro bank. Sometimes, it arrived days late. The teachers complained that the local banker bowed his back and refused to cash their checks until he had the cash from the state. The school official wound up by moving their entire banking business to an Athens bank, 17 miles away. They've kept their banking business in Athens ever since. Last year, the school budget ran about $287,000, money the Brownsboro bank never touched.
Five years ago, Bass' enemies banded together. There was an attempt to send Homer Bass to the penitentiary for misappropriation of school funds. He was cleared in district court, but his enemies appealed the suit through the court of civil appeals in Dallas and through the supreme court in Austin, before they gave up.
Many of Bass' friend were old Brownsboro High graduates who had Bass' name on their diplomas. Many of them had neglected to vote in the April 2 election, primarily because they hadn't expected Dr. Rahm to gain control so easily.
After the election, two local citizens had circulated petitions asking the board members to resign. Of the approximately 900 voters in the district, 613 signed. The citizens had these petitions with them now, in the study hall, awaiting their chance to place them before the board.
The new president, Ivan H. Long, called the meeting to order. His fellow board members, ranged alongside of him, included David Brand, J. P. Parker, Herman Mayfield, board secretary Dr. Rahm, and Wayne Smith (the only Bass supporter still on the board).
Dr. Rahm wore a handsomely tailored suit and silk necktie despite the oppressive heat. He was six feet tall, slender, and neat as a store mannequin. His long fingers, osteopath's fingers, strong and well controlled, rested motionless on the table.
"Cool as a cucumber," someone whispered, pointing to him.
"Why not?" was the neighbor's reply. "I've heard he's been carrying a pistol on him for days. I don't know who called the deputy sheriffs here from Athens, but I'm glad they came."
Look closely, and you could spot the three lawmen. They were scattered through the room, slightly bigger than their neighbors, more watchful, less talkative, and each wearing an exaggerated air of calm indifference. This was the second time they'd been called to a Brownsboro school board meeting.
"Rahm doesn't look at all ruffled, even in this heat," one woman said.
"That's the big city in him. How long has he been here? Four or five years, isn't it? And he's still more like Tyler society than Brownsboro comfort. You'd think he'd hate it here. I wonder why he ever came here, to a little old town with 600 population."
"I heard they made it hot for him in Tyler."
"That's not true. He got divorced there, that's all. He pays his ex-wife alimony, and he came here and married his nurse."
"Is this new wife the one who has Bass blood? Why'd she let him side against Homer?"
"She's Homer's cousin, I think. Who knows why families will split like that?"
"I'd never had thought, three months ago."
Dr. Rahm's strong opposition to Superintendent Bass had surprised everyone in town, especially Homer Bass himself, who in March, 1960, had been the one to recommend the doctor for the school board. Rahm was then mayor of Brownsboro, a comparatively simple position in a town so small.
The vacancy resulted from the resignation of Preston Gideon, who resigned because his nephew was going to be a math teacher in the district. At the time Superintendent Bass told the board he thought Dr. Rahm had the qualifications to replace Gideon, and the board voted him in; three were for Rahm, two against, and President W. B. Knight abstaining.
At first, the doctor said little at the meetings. But gradually, his opposition to the superintendent took shape. Every recommendation Homer Bass made, Rahm opposed. he continually used authority that was formerly vested in the superintendent. When a hepatitis outbreak threatened to become and epidemic, Dr. Rahm protested when Bass consulted the county health department rather than himself.
During the April election campaign, the anti-Bass group beat the bushes, visited homes, and worked as if being on the school board was a $10,000-a-year job. Dr. Rahm's supporters asked the teachers, in a friendly way, for whom they planned to vote.
All of this activity reminded Homer Bass that some time earlier Dr. Rahm had asked him how he planned to vote in the mayoralty race. Bass had been frank. "I can go along with you, Dr. Rahm, but not with the two commissioners running with you."
One of the commissioners was a son of the Brownsboro banker!
Was this the reason for Dr. Rahm's opposition to Bass now? Homer Bass didn't know. But when he was asked to resign, he refused. When they fired him, effective before the end of the school term, with two months extra pay, he protested, and appealed to the state school board in Austin - the Texas Education Agency - on grounds that his contract had two years left.
Dr. Rahm and his board promptly hired a new superintendent, H. D. Larkin, retired former dean of Henderson County Junior College.
This was the tense situation that existed the night of June 16 as the crowd in the study hall grew quiet and the board began its routine business. The pro-Bass forces waited their turn. The anti-Bass citizens, not certain what might erupt, were restless and watchful. Most of an hour was gone when the board asked for old business.
The Negro man against the rear wall took a step forward and raised his hand. After 30 minutes in that hot room, his dark face glistened with perspiration. His friends from Bullock school stood and moved near him to signal their support of what he was going to say.
"Sirs," he began respectfully, "We from Bullock request that the board review its decision not to rehire nine out of our 14 teachers. We feel some explanation is in order."
Ivan Long glanced up and announced, "We don't have to give you a reason."
He rapped the gavel and called for other business. A fellow board member produced a folder of unpaid bills for the board's action. The crowd protested.
Long had to call for quiet. The reading of the bills began. It seemed to take an eternity. At intervals, the crowd grew restless and began murmuring, but Long brought them back to order. It was about 8 o'clock when they finished with the bills and voted to pay them. Thurman Jackson, the former Beaumont schoolteacher now turned lumber yard manager, had listened carefully to each item. He arose from his seat beside his wife and daughters, and asked to speak.
"We're discussing bills, Mr. Jackson."
"Yes, that's what I want to ask..."
Outside, the heat had diminished by three degrees. It was 85, and the people who couldn't find room inside were in comparative comfort on the lawn. Inside, the temperature was still rising. Thurman Jackson mentioned several of the bills that had been read, and asked the treasurer to break them down, itemize them penny by penny.
The board members stared at the tall, scholarly Jackson. His large, studious-looking eyes leveled on them. He seemed surrounded by his supporters, his schoolteacher wife, his two junior high school daughters, his schoolteacher brother, Clarence, and Clarennce's wife who was sister to Homer Bass.
Dr. Rahm drew an imaginary circle with his long finger. His jaw muscles flexed. he glances up at President Long and shook his head almost imperceptibly. Long signaled to a deputy at the back of the room.
"This man is disrupting our meeting. Would you arrest him, please."
The officer went to Thurman Jackson's side. "Let's go outdoors," he invited.
Jackson looked around, his eyes suddenly indignant. He started to started to speak, thought better or it, and followed the deputy to the door. His daughters, grabbed at their father's hands and pushed through the crowd after him. The crowd murmured angrily.
Some men near the front stood up and shouted threateningly at the board members. Behind them, the rest of the crowd rose to its feet. Everyone began to talk at once. Chairman Long rapped for quiet, but realizing the situation was out of control, he glanced frantically toward Dr. Rahm.
Dr. Rahm made a motion they adjourn and Long so declared. The board members searched now for the faces of the deputies, but all they saw were angry fellow citizens of Brownsboro.
The deputies were busy trying to clear the room and separate squabblers. Two officers were in the hallway, keeping the exits open, and ordering the people on with shouts of "Go home, it's all over now."
Deputy Charles Majors pushed back into the room in time to see the first ruckus near the board member's table.
Ousted board member Bill Barton was wrestling with Chairman Long. Barton landed a punch on Long's face, opening a cut above Long's eye. Deputy Majors rushed to separate the two men.
Meanwhile the others got out of control. It seemed that every board member was suddenly caught up in a raging brawl. During those quick seconds it exploded. Dr. Rahm was attacked. David Brand was knocked to the floor. J. P. Parker was hit in the face by one person and slugged on the back of the head by another. He slumped to the floor unconscious. Spectators George Rash - a Bass supporter - and Gus Crow, anti-Bass - fought furiously with each other. Wayne Smith, the only Bass man on the school board, tried to help Deputy Majors break up the melee.
When the fight started, Thurman Jackson and his daughters were in the hallway. The deputy who'd been escorting him outside abandoned Jackson to run back and try to control the brawlers. Jackson glanced back in the room, saw Deputy Majors running to stop the fight and followed.
No one can say for sure why Thurman Jackson reentered the study hall. Perhaps he meant to assist Deputy Majors. Perhaps he anticipated a free punch while the season seemed open on board members. Perhaps he saw his brother, Clarence, in the midst of the fist swinging, and wanted to pull him out. The majority who saw him believed he was going to help the deputy.
Jackson's oldest daughter said later, "I tried to keep him from going back in there. But he went anyway. He stumbled over a chair and fell down."
Just as Deputy Majors succeeded in separating the brawling Long and Barton there was a gun explosion.
Majors wheeled and saw three men in a tangle behind the table. He pushed his way toward them, and began yanking them up, one at a time.
Dr. Rahm got to his feet and brushed off his suit. His thinning black hair was tousled, his eyeglasses gone, and there was a red gash gaping above his eyebrow.
Schoolteacher Clarence Jackson arose breathing heavily. The third man did not move. He lay with his head against the polished baseboard, next to the encyclopedia rack. Blood was seeping through the front of his shirt. It was Thurman Jackson.
Wayne Smith held an object in front of Deputy Majors. It was a .25 pistol. "Here, I think you'd better take this. I grabbed it away from Dr. Rahm as quick as I could, after I saw him with it."
But at least two bullets had been squeezed from it first. Thurman Jackson was hit twice. Bill Melton, a pro-Bass spectator, got a bullet through the left arm above the elbow. Deputy Majors sent for an ambulance and bent over Thurman Jackson.
He was alive by a thread. His breath came in shallow, slow shudders.
All the injured gathered in groups, waiting for ambulances from the Tyler, Tex., Medical Center Hospital, and from Athens. Jackson's family knelt weeping over his unconscious body.
Dr. Rahm was the only medical man in Brownsboro.
Thurman Jackson was pronounced dead on arrival at Tyler. A bullet had snapped his spinal cord, plowed through a lung, and lodged behind his shoulder blade.
George Rash was hospitalized with knife slashes in his abdomen and back. Both he and the uninjured Gus Crow were charged with assault with intent to murder each other.
Bill Melton was hospitalized for the bullet wound in his upper left arm.
Four members of the board had been mauled and hurt. Chairman Long's cut over his eye was treated by a doctor. David Brand and J. P. Parker - who'd been knocked unconscious - had less serious injuries. Dr. Rahm had a deep cut on his forehead. Sheriff's officers sat beside him while and emergency doctor in Athens, the county seat, patched him up. Then officers hustled him off to an undisclosed Jail.
County Attorney Mack Wallace and District Attorney Jack Hardee teamed up immediately for mass questioning of Brownsboro citizens who'd attended the fatal board meeting. They worked all night taking statements. Anybody who saw fighting was asked to put what he had seen in writing.
The district attorney said, "Charges will be filed for every violation of the law we can find arising out of this affray and shooting."
Dr. Charles C. Rahm, hidden in a "secret" jail to avoid a possible lynching, was charged with the murder of Thurman Jackson and assault to murder Bill Melton. Reconstructing the scene from statements and from the path of the wound and powder burns on Jackson's shirt, officers believed Jackson had stumbled over a chair and was on the floor when Dr. Rahm held him with one hand and shot him with the other.
Thurman's brother, Clarence, was charged with misdemeanor assault and battery. The same charge was filed against Clarence Hatton, a Bass man who suffered a broken hand in the fight, Arlin Boles, S. M. (Bill) Watley, ex-board member Bill Barton, and Bill Melton who was still hospitalized with his gunshot wound.
Everyone charged was pro-Bass except Gus Crow - and, of course, Dr. Rahm.
Authorities feared more violence. Approximately 50 people in the town of 600 had been angry enough to fight. Still unanswered was the $64 question as to why the board last May 31 refused to rehire nine Bullock school teachers, three out of four school bus drivers, and a janitor. Pro-Bass people said the people were not rehired because they had failed to support Rahm and his men in the supposed secret vote general election. They described Dr. Rahm as a "little Castro" who tried to run the town like a dictator when he was mayor. One of his projects, while mayor was to make the dead end alley behind his clinic a street, "to create more room for building in Brownsboro." That project had fallen through because of lack of funds and lack of interest among the townsmen.
Now the murder and violence shook all the old coals of anger, and people were more aroused than ever before. They called in four Texas Rangers and seven highway patrolmen to keep the peace in Brownsboro.
Thurman Jackson was buried on Saturday, June 18. Jackson, who'd died in the middle of a controversy, had lived, ironically, the life of a scholarly peacemaker. He'd made close friends in three different churches. Joining together to conduct his services were Rev. William Browning, Methodist; Rev. Lee Teakell, Baptist, and John Teel, Church of Christ minister.
Arlin Boles was a pall bearer the day after he paid his fine for the assault and battery charge. It cost him $25 and court costs of $19.50.
The petition to oust Brownsboro's school board remained unread, and citizens wondered what would happen to their schools. Ex-Superintendent Homer Bass and ex-school board chairman W. B. Knight understood a great deal about the machinery of the state board. The public was worried and deeply saddened by the events, as were the two former school officials.
Knight sat in the shade by his service station, across the alley from Dr. Rahm's closed and shuttered clinic. He shook his gray head.
"It's very possible the state board will take over, and that might help. I don't know if it would solve the dissension or not. But I remember a similar action at Aldine a couple years ago. The state dissolved the school board and put in a new one."
He shook his head again. "The state board took away the school's affiliation and state aid in the Aldine case."
In Austin, Commissioner of Education Dr. J. W. Edgar announced that on June 27 the state board would hold a hearing on the firing of Homer Bass.
He added that the Brownsboro board's failure to reelect more than half its Negro school teachers might result in the school's losing of its accreditation.
Homer Bass spoke of the murdered Thurman Jackson. "He had two daughter in school, and was just interested in seeing that they had a decent school to go to."
Everybody who could squeeze into the high school study hall was there. Men and women and children crammed the hot room like sardines, and overflowed into the hall. If you counted the people out on the school's green lawn, you'd guess 200 were there altogether. Not one of them was smiling.
There was anger in that room -- the cat fighting, scratching, crazy kind of madness that prompts little children to pull a favorite rag doll apart, rather than let each other play with it. This time, the rag doll was the Brownsboro, Tex., public school system, and grown men were playing tug of war with it. The Board of Education met at 7 p.m. Thursday, June 16, and the public was invited. It was hot, inside and out.
The high that day hit 90, with a strong dose of humidity. It was still 88 at sundown. Clammy heat was like death hanging in the air, prodding the sweating, angry people, pricking their tempers, pushing them toward violence. Thus have riots and mobs always simmered into boiling rage.
Everyone in Brownsboro had picked his side. There were those who came to the meeting to take sides, and there were those who stayed at home taking sides. An oldtimer who suatted in shade near the school entrance muttered, "They's them that tries to make out their minds ain't set, but give 'em a little fuss, and they'll bristle like hogs. Yep, ever' man in town's branded one side or t'other."
The Jacksons were there. Clarence taught agriculture in the high school, and there was a Jackson boy who'd complained to some of the school board members about the 33 seniors not getting their diplomas this year. The diploma fiasco had started a month before graduation when the school board fired Home Bass, who'd been superintendent in Brownsboro for 23 years. The seniors petitioned the board to place Bass' name on their diplomas, refusing to accept the new man's signature. The situation was still stalemated, with officials claiming the diplomas never arrived from a Houston printer, the post office protesting they did arrive, and the graduates bitterly refusing any without Bass' signature.
The Jackson boy was one of a group who called on new school board member Charles C. Rahm, an osteopathic doctor, and comparative newcomer in town. Rahm, they said, refused to hear their complaint, threatened to eject them from his office, and signed a police complaint against them for "disturbance." The charge was still pending as townspeople pushed into the high school for the public board meeting.
Homer Bass, the controversial exsuperintendent, stayed home, but his sister was there. She was Mrs. Clarence Jackson, wife of the agriculture teacher. Clarence Jackson's brother, Thurman, and his whole family, found space together in the study hall. Thurman Jackson and his wife had been school teachers in Beaumont, Tex. They'd resigned their positions to come home to Brownsboro when Jackson's mother-in-law became seriously ill. Thurman was operating the Birdwell Lumber Yard for her. Brother Clarence continued teaching agriculture in the hometown.
Like Clarence, Thurman was vitally interested in the school. He and his wife were trained teachers, and they had two daughters in the Brownsboro school system. All the Jacksons gathered for this meeting. They were solidly entrenched behind the banner of ousted superintendent, Homer Bass.
A Negro man stepped into the stream of crowding spectators, and let himself be swept into the room. Inside, he took a position against the rear wall, and stood waiting for the time when the board might hear a complaint from Bullock, Brownsville's (Brownsboro's) segregated school for colored children. The newly organized anti-Bass school board had just refused to rehire nine of Bullock's 14 teachers!
Bill Barton and his wife were there. Barton had long been a member of the school board. In the April 2 public election, he lost. His place went to an anti-Bass man.
W. B. Knight wasn't there. He'd been president of the school board before the April 2 election. He'd served six terms on the board. But his place had gone to another of Dr. Rahm's anti-Bass men.
Lanky, graying, Knight preferred to wash his hands of the whole mess, now that he'd been voted out. He tended his service station, across the alley from Dr. Rahm's new osteopathic clinic, and tried to put the problems of the school board out of his mind.
He was probably at the station now, selling a tank of gas, although he couldn't really forget what was going on a block and a half away, in the well-kept brick and concrete school building he'd helped build.
Homer Bass and W. B. Knight deliberately missed the meeting. They hoped the school system could weather this furor and survive. They didn't want to heap coals on the fire. But their friends, their kin, the people they'd served, packed the study hall a hundred strong. The school board regulated the educations of 1000 students.
In addition to the Jackson brothers and their families, Bill Barton, and the group from Bullock school, there were dozens like Jack Brewer, George Rash, Clarence Hatton, and Bill Melton. There was Arlin Boles, nephew of C. C. Boles, present school tax collector and a long time friend of the Bass family.
Twenty-three years ago, before Homer Bass became superintendent, his brother R. T. Bass, had been superintendent for seven or eight years. One day, R. T. Bass and C. C. Boles went to Athens, Tex., to negotiate a land lease, in connection with the school being consolidated. They stayed in an Athens hotel. That night R. T. Bass started down the stairs from his room, lost his footing and fell the length of the stairway, breaking his neck.
That incident, now 23 years old, had triggered the first distrust against his brother, Homer Bass.
First, there was unfounded gossip that R. T. Bass was under the influence of alcohol when he fell to his death. People who didn't know either brother accused them of excessive drinking.
Second, the school board made Homer Bass superintendent, promoting him from another Texas school in preference to a Brownsboro teacher who was expecting the job. Backers of the overlooked candidate never forgot, even after their man chose another business, worked at it, and retired.
Old timers who remembered these ancient but still smoldering resentments attended the meeting, backing up Dr. Rahm and his new school board. Dr. Rahm and his group had additional, more powerful support.
There was the Brownsboro banker, tall, well built and distinguished looking. he had fallen out with Superintendent Bass and the old school board more than 15 years ago. In those days, the state was slow in sending payroll cash to the Brownsboro bank. Sometimes, it arrived days late. The teachers complained that the local banker bowed his back and refused to cash their checks until he had the cash from the state. The school official wound up by moving their entire banking business to an Athens bank, 17 miles away. They've kept their banking business in Athens ever since. Last year, the school budget ran about $287,000, money the Brownsboro bank never touched.
Five years ago, Bass' enemies banded together. There was an attempt to send Homer Bass to the penitentiary for misappropriation of school funds. He was cleared in district court, but his enemies appealed the suit through the court of civil appeals in Dallas and through the supreme court in Austin, before they gave up.
Many of Bass' friend were old Brownsboro High graduates who had Bass' name on their diplomas. Many of them had neglected to vote in the April 2 election, primarily because they hadn't expected Dr. Rahm to gain control so easily.
After the election, two local citizens had circulated petitions asking the board members to resign. Of the approximately 900 voters in the district, 613 signed. The citizens had these petitions with them now, in the study hall, awaiting their chance to place them before the board.
The new president, Ivan H. Long, called the meeting to order. His fellow board members, ranged alongside of him, included David Brand, J. P. Parker, Herman Mayfield, board secretary Dr. Rahm, and Wayne Smith (the only Bass supporter still on the board).
Dr. Rahm wore a handsomely tailored suit and silk necktie despite the oppressive heat. He was six feet tall, slender, and neat as a store mannequin. His long fingers, osteopath's fingers, strong and well controlled, rested motionless on the table.
"Cool as a cucumber," someone whispered, pointing to him.
"Why not?" was the neighbor's reply. "I've heard he's been carrying a pistol on him for days. I don't know who called the deputy sheriffs here from Athens, but I'm glad they came."
Look closely, and you could spot the three lawmen. They were scattered through the room, slightly bigger than their neighbors, more watchful, less talkative, and each wearing an exaggerated air of calm indifference. This was the second time they'd been called to a Brownsboro school board meeting.
"Rahm doesn't look at all ruffled, even in this heat," one woman said.
"That's the big city in him. How long has he been here? Four or five years, isn't it? And he's still more like Tyler society than Brownsboro comfort. You'd think he'd hate it here. I wonder why he ever came here, to a little old town with 600 population."
"I heard they made it hot for him in Tyler."
"That's not true. He got divorced there, that's all. He pays his ex-wife alimony, and he came here and married his nurse."
"Is this new wife the one who has Bass blood? Why'd she let him side against Homer?"
"She's Homer's cousin, I think. Who knows why families will split like that?"
"I'd never had thought, three months ago."
Dr. Rahm's strong opposition to Superintendent Bass had surprised everyone in town, especially Homer Bass himself, who in March, 1960, had been the one to recommend the doctor for the school board. Rahm was then mayor of Brownsboro, a comparatively simple position in a town so small.
The vacancy resulted from the resignation of Preston Gideon, who resigned because his nephew was going to be a math teacher in the district. At the time Superintendent Bass told the board he thought Dr. Rahm had the qualifications to replace Gideon, and the board voted him in; three were for Rahm, two against, and President W. B. Knight abstaining.
At first, the doctor said little at the meetings. But gradually, his opposition to the superintendent took shape. Every recommendation Homer Bass made, Rahm opposed. he continually used authority that was formerly vested in the superintendent. When a hepatitis outbreak threatened to become and epidemic, Dr. Rahm protested when Bass consulted the county health department rather than himself.
During the April election campaign, the anti-Bass group beat the bushes, visited homes, and worked as if being on the school board was a $10,000-a-year job. Dr. Rahm's supporters asked the teachers, in a friendly way, for whom they planned to vote.
All of this activity reminded Homer Bass that some time earlier Dr. Rahm had asked him how he planned to vote in the mayoralty race. Bass had been frank. "I can go along with you, Dr. Rahm, but not with the two commissioners running with you."
One of the commissioners was a son of the Brownsboro banker!
Was this the reason for Dr. Rahm's opposition to Bass now? Homer Bass didn't know. But when he was asked to resign, he refused. When they fired him, effective before the end of the school term, with two months extra pay, he protested, and appealed to the state school board in Austin - the Texas Education Agency - on grounds that his contract had two years left.
Dr. Rahm and his board promptly hired a new superintendent, H. D. Larkin, retired former dean of Henderson County Junior College.
This was the tense situation that existed the night of June 16 as the crowd in the study hall grew quiet and the board began its routine business. The pro-Bass forces waited their turn. The anti-Bass citizens, not certain what might erupt, were restless and watchful. Most of an hour was gone when the board asked for old business.
The Negro man against the rear wall took a step forward and raised his hand. After 30 minutes in that hot room, his dark face glistened with perspiration. His friends from Bullock school stood and moved near him to signal their support of what he was going to say.
"Sirs," he began respectfully, "We from Bullock request that the board review its decision not to rehire nine out of our 14 teachers. We feel some explanation is in order."
Ivan Long glanced up and announced, "We don't have to give you a reason."
He rapped the gavel and called for other business. A fellow board member produced a folder of unpaid bills for the board's action. The crowd protested.
Long had to call for quiet. The reading of the bills began. It seemed to take an eternity. At intervals, the crowd grew restless and began murmuring, but Long brought them back to order. It was about 8 o'clock when they finished with the bills and voted to pay them. Thurman Jackson, the former Beaumont schoolteacher now turned lumber yard manager, had listened carefully to each item. He arose from his seat beside his wife and daughters, and asked to speak.
"We're discussing bills, Mr. Jackson."
"Yes, that's what I want to ask..."
Outside, the heat had diminished by three degrees. It was 85, and the people who couldn't find room inside were in comparative comfort on the lawn. Inside, the temperature was still rising. Thurman Jackson mentioned several of the bills that had been read, and asked the treasurer to break them down, itemize them penny by penny.
The board members stared at the tall, scholarly Jackson. His large, studious-looking eyes leveled on them. He seemed surrounded by his supporters, his schoolteacher wife, his two junior high school daughters, his schoolteacher brother, Clarence, and Clarennce's wife who was sister to Homer Bass.
Dr. Rahm drew an imaginary circle with his long finger. His jaw muscles flexed. he glances up at President Long and shook his head almost imperceptibly. Long signaled to a deputy at the back of the room.
"This man is disrupting our meeting. Would you arrest him, please."
The officer went to Thurman Jackson's side. "Let's go outdoors," he invited.
Jackson looked around, his eyes suddenly indignant. He started to started to speak, thought better or it, and followed the deputy to the door. His daughters, grabbed at their father's hands and pushed through the crowd after him. The crowd murmured angrily.
Some men near the front stood up and shouted threateningly at the board members. Behind them, the rest of the crowd rose to its feet. Everyone began to talk at once. Chairman Long rapped for quiet, but realizing the situation was out of control, he glanced frantically toward Dr. Rahm.
Dr. Rahm made a motion they adjourn and Long so declared. The board members searched now for the faces of the deputies, but all they saw were angry fellow citizens of Brownsboro.
The deputies were busy trying to clear the room and separate squabblers. Two officers were in the hallway, keeping the exits open, and ordering the people on with shouts of "Go home, it's all over now."
Deputy Charles Majors pushed back into the room in time to see the first ruckus near the board member's table.
Ousted board member Bill Barton was wrestling with Chairman Long. Barton landed a punch on Long's face, opening a cut above Long's eye. Deputy Majors rushed to separate the two men.
Meanwhile the others got out of control. It seemed that every board member was suddenly caught up in a raging brawl. During those quick seconds it exploded. Dr. Rahm was attacked. David Brand was knocked to the floor. J. P. Parker was hit in the face by one person and slugged on the back of the head by another. He slumped to the floor unconscious. Spectators George Rash - a Bass supporter - and Gus Crow, anti-Bass - fought furiously with each other. Wayne Smith, the only Bass man on the school board, tried to help Deputy Majors break up the melee.
When the fight started, Thurman Jackson and his daughters were in the hallway. The deputy who'd been escorting him outside abandoned Jackson to run back and try to control the brawlers. Jackson glanced back in the room, saw Deputy Majors running to stop the fight and followed.
No one can say for sure why Thurman Jackson reentered the study hall. Perhaps he meant to assist Deputy Majors. Perhaps he anticipated a free punch while the season seemed open on board members. Perhaps he saw his brother, Clarence, in the midst of the fist swinging, and wanted to pull him out. The majority who saw him believed he was going to help the deputy.
Jackson's oldest daughter said later, "I tried to keep him from going back in there. But he went anyway. He stumbled over a chair and fell down."
Just as Deputy Majors succeeded in separating the brawling Long and Barton there was a gun explosion.
Majors wheeled and saw three men in a tangle behind the table. He pushed his way toward them, and began yanking them up, one at a time.
Dr. Rahm got to his feet and brushed off his suit. His thinning black hair was tousled, his eyeglasses gone, and there was a red gash gaping above his eyebrow.
Schoolteacher Clarence Jackson arose breathing heavily. The third man did not move. He lay with his head against the polished baseboard, next to the encyclopedia rack. Blood was seeping through the front of his shirt. It was Thurman Jackson.
Wayne Smith held an object in front of Deputy Majors. It was a .25 pistol. "Here, I think you'd better take this. I grabbed it away from Dr. Rahm as quick as I could, after I saw him with it."
But at least two bullets had been squeezed from it first. Thurman Jackson was hit twice. Bill Melton, a pro-Bass spectator, got a bullet through the left arm above the elbow. Deputy Majors sent for an ambulance and bent over Thurman Jackson.
He was alive by a thread. His breath came in shallow, slow shudders.
All the injured gathered in groups, waiting for ambulances from the Tyler, Tex., Medical Center Hospital, and from Athens. Jackson's family knelt weeping over his unconscious body.
Dr. Rahm was the only medical man in Brownsboro.
Thurman Jackson was pronounced dead on arrival at Tyler. A bullet had snapped his spinal cord, plowed through a lung, and lodged behind his shoulder blade.
George Rash was hospitalized with knife slashes in his abdomen and back. Both he and the uninjured Gus Crow were charged with assault with intent to murder each other.
Bill Melton was hospitalized for the bullet wound in his upper left arm.
Four members of the board had been mauled and hurt. Chairman Long's cut over his eye was treated by a doctor. David Brand and J. P. Parker - who'd been knocked unconscious - had less serious injuries. Dr. Rahm had a deep cut on his forehead. Sheriff's officers sat beside him while and emergency doctor in Athens, the county seat, patched him up. Then officers hustled him off to an undisclosed Jail.
County Attorney Mack Wallace and District Attorney Jack Hardee teamed up immediately for mass questioning of Brownsboro citizens who'd attended the fatal board meeting. They worked all night taking statements. Anybody who saw fighting was asked to put what he had seen in writing.
The district attorney said, "Charges will be filed for every violation of the law we can find arising out of this affray and shooting."
Dr. Charles C. Rahm, hidden in a "secret" jail to avoid a possible lynching, was charged with the murder of Thurman Jackson and assault to murder Bill Melton. Reconstructing the scene from statements and from the path of the wound and powder burns on Jackson's shirt, officers believed Jackson had stumbled over a chair and was on the floor when Dr. Rahm held him with one hand and shot him with the other.
Thurman's brother, Clarence, was charged with misdemeanor assault and battery. The same charge was filed against Clarence Hatton, a Bass man who suffered a broken hand in the fight, Arlin Boles, S. M. (Bill) Watley, ex-board member Bill Barton, and Bill Melton who was still hospitalized with his gunshot wound.
Everyone charged was pro-Bass except Gus Crow - and, of course, Dr. Rahm.
Authorities feared more violence. Approximately 50 people in the town of 600 had been angry enough to fight. Still unanswered was the $64 question as to why the board last May 31 refused to rehire nine Bullock school teachers, three out of four school bus drivers, and a janitor. Pro-Bass people said the people were not rehired because they had failed to support Rahm and his men in the supposed secret vote general election. They described Dr. Rahm as a "little Castro" who tried to run the town like a dictator when he was mayor. One of his projects, while mayor was to make the dead end alley behind his clinic a street, "to create more room for building in Brownsboro." That project had fallen through because of lack of funds and lack of interest among the townsmen.
Now the murder and violence shook all the old coals of anger, and people were more aroused than ever before. They called in four Texas Rangers and seven highway patrolmen to keep the peace in Brownsboro.
Thurman Jackson was buried on Saturday, June 18. Jackson, who'd died in the middle of a controversy, had lived, ironically, the life of a scholarly peacemaker. He'd made close friends in three different churches. Joining together to conduct his services were Rev. William Browning, Methodist; Rev. Lee Teakell, Baptist, and John Teel, Church of Christ minister.
Arlin Boles was a pall bearer the day after he paid his fine for the assault and battery charge. It cost him $25 and court costs of $19.50.
The petition to oust Brownsboro's school board remained unread, and citizens wondered what would happen to their schools. Ex-Superintendent Homer Bass and ex-school board chairman W. B. Knight understood a great deal about the machinery of the state board. The public was worried and deeply saddened by the events, as were the two former school officials.
Knight sat in the shade by his service station, across the alley from Dr. Rahm's closed and shuttered clinic. He shook his gray head.
"It's very possible the state board will take over, and that might help. I don't know if it would solve the dissension or not. But I remember a similar action at Aldine a couple years ago. The state dissolved the school board and put in a new one."
He shook his head again. "The state board took away the school's affiliation and state aid in the Aldine case."
In Austin, Commissioner of Education Dr. J. W. Edgar announced that on June 27 the state board would hold a hearing on the firing of Homer Bass.
He added that the Brownsboro board's failure to reelect more than half its Negro school teachers might result in the school's losing of its accreditation.
Homer Bass spoke of the murdered Thurman Jackson. "He had two daughter in school, and was just interested in seeing that they had a decent school to go to."
Friday, November 18, 2016
Andean Cocaine by Paul Gootenberg
Gootenberg, Paul Andean Cocaine: The Making of a Global Drug.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008.
Andean Cocaine traces the obscure processes and transformations of
the global coca and cocaine commodity chain. Gootenberg documents the traditions
of the Andean coca leaf, the birth of cocaine as a medical commodity, the early
twentieth-century decline of licit cocaine, and cocaine’s reemergence as a
global illicit good following World War II and the decades that followed.
The commodity chain of coca and cocaine began with the
extraction of alkaloidal cocaine from the dried Andean coca leaf. This
discovery by German doctoral student Albert Niemann would soon transform
cocaine into a world drug commodity. Initially, cocaine was essential as a
high-value medical commodity. Medical uses of cocaine included treatment of
opiate addiction, hay fever, asthma, or other respiratory ailments. Cocaine’s
greatest medical impact in the United States and Europe was as a local
anesthetic used during surgery. In Europe, cocaine’s commodity chain was
defined by the coca elixir Vin Mariani developed by Corsican physician and
chemist Angelo Mariani. Cultivated by Peruvian and Bolivian peasants living in
the Andean Mountains, the coca leaf would be dried and shipped to the United
States or Europe for refining. Due to the herb’s limited shelf life during
transportation, the alkaloidal cocaine extracted would lose potency. The
development of Peruvian crude cocaine by Arnaldo Kitz accelerated the
industrialization of cocaine. Kitz’s cocaine extraction method involved
processing the dried leaf on location in Peru into a crude form that could
withstand global shipping.
Peruvian initiative and crude cocaine became the
economic lifelines that would spur the licit cocaine boom at the end of the
nineteenth century and on into the twentieth. By 1900 Peru had a world monopoly
on the product. Crude cocaine created a global connectedness in Andean networks
of coca and cocaine. There were two major commercial chains: a
German-European-Andean circuit and a United States-Andean circuit. Minor French
and British nodes of cocaine science and culture also existed, but all combined
to institutionalize and embed channels for the flow of research, medicine, political
ideals, and influences in an attempt to monopolize and control the cocaine
marketplace.
Declining medical demand and the United States’
anticocaine policies helped lead to an end of the licit cocaine era. By 1950
the illicit cocaine commodity chain was on the verge of erupting into one of
the most prolific underground economies in the world. Contrary to popular
belief, Colombians came to cocaine, not the other way around. Andean peasants
continued to cultivate the coca bush, but by the 1970s Colombians would be
responsible for the refinement and marketing of cocaine. Sociopolitical
conditions in Colombia enabled narcos, like Pablo Escobar and Blanca Ibáñez, to
aggressively manage the sale of cocaine in places such as Miami and Hollywood.
Nineteen Fifties-America witnessed cocaine consumption
turn from an already declining licit trade to strictly illicit. Changing
cultural tastes turned American drug users from harmless marijuana to the rush
of cocaine. With Cuba as the pioneer test market for cocaine, the drug made an
easy jump into Miami where there existed a large Cuban diaspora community
already familiar with the drug. Increasing drug surveillance and international
police cooperation between the United States and several Latin American
countries resulted in futile attempts to end the illicit cocaine trade.
Ironically, the United States policing of cocaine worked within its borders,
but failed when imposed on other countries.
During the latter half of the twentieth century,
several global changes occurred that unleashed the illicit cocaine boom. The
first occurred in Peru. The Huallaga Valley, the central location of coca and
cocaine activity in Peru, experienced a collapse of postwar development
schemes. This paved the way for coca-growing peasants to actively intensify
their cocaine activities. Second, the cocaine capitalism in the Andes created a
rising class of Colombian narcos who crafted new heights and new markets for
cocaine. Finally, Nixon-era politics and policies led to a vast new demand for
cocaine. As recreational cocaine usage skyrocketed, Nixon’s politically
constructed war on cocaine could not put a dent in the growing American cocaine
trade or consumption. The main objective of the newly established Drug
Enforcement Agency was to raise the price of cocaine to deter consumer use.
Instead, the opposite happened.
Given its Andean genealogy, coca and cocaine held
important cultural meanings in Peru. The scientific interest in cocaine was
part of an awakening of Peruvian scientific nationalism. Lima’s medical elites
and modern chemistry transformed the coca plant into medicinal cocaine in the
nineteenth century. Peruvians took an herb steeped in Incan history and changed
it into an exclusive and modern good. This early study of coca combined science
and patriotism. Peruvian scientist’s proximity and experiences lent a
privileged place as compared to scientists in Europe. With help from Peruvians like
Moreno y MaÃz and J. C. Ulloa, elite scientific nationalism made local and
traditional coca and universal and scientifically modern cocaine into national
subjects, or what Gootenberg calls “highland Andeanness.”
Peruvian scientist Alfredo Bignon’s place in the
genealogy of cocaine as a world commodity cannot be underscored. His cocaine
papers, published between 1884 and 1887, were investigations into coca and
cocaine, but also laced with Peruvian nationalist and commercial overtones.
Bignon’s prolific contributions to cocaine science rival that of Sigmund Freud.
His cocaine papers were translated and published in major American, French, and
German journals. Scientists like Bignon, combined with coca and cocaine, created
an innate Peruvian nationalist culture and global commodity.
Despite the
turn towards Colombian narcos for its sale and marketing, the cultivation
remained in the hands of coca-growing peasant population of Peru and Bolivia.
Peasant cultivation knowledge did not easily progress, and as such the
cultivation technology remained largely unchanged. Significant changes in the
history of cocaine technology occurred when Kitz began his crude cocaine
refining technique. Without question German scientists deserve a nod for their
contributions in the science of coca and cocaine. The late nineteenth-century
principal center of cocaine research, production, and distribution was Germany.
Emmanuel Merck and others came from a well-financed and influential
pharmaceutical and scientific European bloc. With modern research models,
Germany was able to dominate the early coca and cocaine commodity trade.
After the epic invention by Bignon, the Peruvian
migrant Kitz was able to install coca profitably into the Amazon. With
nationalist undertones cocaine was promoted as a commodity by native Peruvian
Augusto Durand. Even during the decline phase of cocaine during the first part
of the twentieth century, Peruvian merchant Andrés A. Soberón continued the
exploitation of the Andean plant and cocaine. Coinciding with the rise of
anticocainism in the twentieth century, cocaine passed underground to nameless
and faceless chemists and narcos who continued to develop cocaine into one of
the world’s most lucrative commodities.
Thursday, November 10, 2016
Leanna Boles Clayton
birth: October 12, 1862
location: Texas
death: January 15, 1905
location:
father:
mother:
spouse: Columbus M Clayton
family picture
1900 census
burial
children with Columbus M Clayton:
Minnie Lee Clayton - 1881
Ella Clayton - 1883
Alexander Clayton - 1885
Lula Mae Clayton - 1888
Carl Marion Clayton - 1890
Lem Leon Clayton - 1893
John Homer Clayton - 1897
Jewel Clayton - 1898
Era Clayton 1899
Howard P. Clayton - 1901
location: Texas
death: January 15, 1905
location:
father:
mother:
spouse: Columbus M Clayton
family picture
1900 census
burial
children with Columbus M Clayton:
Minnie Lee Clayton - 1881
Ella Clayton - 1883
Alexander Clayton - 1885
Lula Mae Clayton - 1888
Carl Marion Clayton - 1890
Lem Leon Clayton - 1893
John Homer Clayton - 1897
Jewel Clayton - 1898
Era Clayton 1899
Howard P. Clayton - 1901
Wednesday, November 9, 2016
Isaiah Hogan and Elizabeth Smith marriage
Ancestry.com. Tennessee State Marriages, 1780-2002 [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2008.
R R Smith - 1860 census
1860 census
location: Nacogdoches County, Texas
date: July 21, 1860
R R Smith 29 male keeping grocery Tennessee
Mary E Smith 29 female housekeeper Texas
Elizabeth Hogan 52 female housekeeping Tennessee
John Patterson 30 male farmer South Carolina
Anna Patterson 24 female housekeeper Tennessee
Samuel Patterson 6 male Texas
Robert N Patterson 5 male Texas
Thomas Patterson 33 male farmer South Carolina
Sarah Patterson 6 female housekeeper Texas
Ancestry.com. 1860 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2009. Images reproduced by FamilySearch.
location: Nacogdoches County, Texas
date: July 21, 1860
R R Smith 29 male keeping grocery Tennessee
Mary E Smith 29 female housekeeper Texas
Elizabeth Hogan 52 female housekeeping Tennessee
John Patterson 30 male farmer South Carolina
Anna Patterson 24 female housekeeper Tennessee
Samuel Patterson 6 male Texas
Robert N Patterson 5 male Texas
Thomas Patterson 33 male farmer South Carolina
Sarah Patterson 6 female housekeeper Texas
Ancestry.com. 1860 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2009. Images reproduced by FamilySearch.
Monday, October 31, 2016
Joseph Crawford - 1870 census
location: Pleasant Hill, Sabine Parish, Louisiana
date: August 10, 1870
Joseph Crawford 43 male white farmer Tennessee
Elizabeth Crawford 38 female white keeping house South Carolina
Lewis N Crawford 17 male white works on farm Texas
Joseph Crawford 15 male white at school Texas
Robert W Crawford 13 male white at school Texas
Eddy B Crawford 4 male white Texas
Thomas J Springer 17 male white works on farm Louisiana
Keziah Feamster 15 female white at home Texas
Jones Roberson 23 male mulatto farm laborer Texas
Booker Bland 20 male mulatto farm laborer Texas
Hayes McWilliams 17 male black farm laborer Texas
Charles Crawford 11 male black works on farm Texas
Silves Jones 6 female black at home Virginia
"United States Census, 1870," database with images, FamilySearch(https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:M87N-BSR : 17 October 2014), Lewis M Crawford in household of Joseph Crawford, Louisiana, United States; citing p. 11, family 88, NARA microfilm publication M593 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); FHL microfilm 552,027.
date: August 10, 1870
Joseph Crawford 43 male white farmer Tennessee
Elizabeth Crawford 38 female white keeping house South Carolina
Lewis N Crawford 17 male white works on farm Texas
Joseph Crawford 15 male white at school Texas
Robert W Crawford 13 male white at school Texas
Eddy B Crawford 4 male white Texas
Thomas J Springer 17 male white works on farm Louisiana
Keziah Feamster 15 female white at home Texas
Jones Roberson 23 male mulatto farm laborer Texas
Booker Bland 20 male mulatto farm laborer Texas
Hayes McWilliams 17 male black farm laborer Texas
Charles Crawford 11 male black works on farm Texas
Silves Jones 6 female black at home Virginia
"United States Census, 1870," database with images, FamilySearch(https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:M87N-BSR : 17 October 2014), Lewis M Crawford in household of Joseph Crawford, Louisiana, United States; citing p. 11, family 88, NARA microfilm publication M593 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); FHL microfilm 552,027.
Lewis Napoleon Crawford - death
location: Logansport, De Soto Parish, Lousiana
date: January 31, 1941
"Louisiana Deaths Index, 1850-1875, 1894-1956," database, FamilySearch(https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:FSYK-2VJ : 12 December 2014), Lewis Napoleon Crawford, 31 Jan 1941; citing Logansport, De Soto, Louisiana, certificate number 533, State Archives, Baton Rouge; FHL microfilm 626,286.
date: January 31, 1941
"Louisiana Deaths Index, 1850-1875, 1894-1956," database, FamilySearch(https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:FSYK-2VJ : 12 December 2014), Lewis Napoleon Crawford, 31 Jan 1941; citing Logansport, De Soto, Louisiana, certificate number 533, State Archives, Baton Rouge; FHL microfilm 626,286.
Lewis Norman Napolean Crawford
birth: Febraury 2, 1854
location: Texas
death: January 31, 1941
location: Logansport, De Soto Parish, Louisiana
father:
mother:
spouse: Mattie Luma Whittlesey
1870 census
1900 census
death
burial
children with unknown:
Rupert Loyd Crawford - 1880
Maggie Crawford - 1881
Claud Crawford - 1883
Norman Crawford - 1885
Hubbard Crawford - 1887
Earl Crawford - 1892
Averil Winifred Crawford - 1895
Dylan Taylor's great-great-great-grandfather
location: Texas
death: January 31, 1941
location: Logansport, De Soto Parish, Louisiana
father:
mother:
spouse: Mattie Luma Whittlesey
1870 census
1900 census
death
burial
children with unknown:
Rupert Loyd Crawford - 1880
Maggie Crawford - 1881
Claud Crawford - 1883
Norman Crawford - 1885
Hubbard Crawford - 1887
Earl Crawford - 1892
Averil Winifred Crawford - 1895
Dylan Taylor's great-great-great-grandfather
Louis H Crawford - 1900 census
location: Shelby County, Texas
date: June 15, 1900
Louis Crawford head white male Feb 1854 46 widower Texas farmer
Louis Crawford son white male Mar 1880 20 single Texas
Maggie Crawford daughter white female Sept 1881 18 single Texas
Claud Crawford son white male Sept 1883 16 single Texas
Norman Crawford son white male June 1885 14 single Texas
Hubbard Crawford son white male Nov 1887 12 single Texas
Earl Crawford son male white July 1892 7 single Texas
Arvil Crawford daughter female white Aug 1895 4 single Texas
Year: 1900; Census Place: Justice Precinct 2, Shelby, Texas; Roll: 1669; Page: 11B; Enumeration District:0087; FHL microfilm: 1241669
date: June 15, 1900
Louis Crawford head white male Feb 1854 46 widower Texas farmer
Louis Crawford son white male Mar 1880 20 single Texas
Maggie Crawford daughter white female Sept 1881 18 single Texas
Claud Crawford son white male Sept 1883 16 single Texas
Norman Crawford son white male June 1885 14 single Texas
Hubbard Crawford son white male Nov 1887 12 single Texas
Earl Crawford son male white July 1892 7 single Texas
Arvil Crawford daughter female white Aug 1895 4 single Texas
Year: 1900; Census Place: Justice Precinct 2, Shelby, Texas; Roll: 1669; Page: 11B; Enumeration District:0087; FHL microfilm: 1241669
Earl Crawford - WWII draft card
The National Archives at St. Louis; St. Louis, Missouri; Draft Registration Cards for Fourth Registration for Louisiana, 04/27/1942 - 04/27/1942; NAI Number: 576248; Record Group Title: Records of the Selective Service System; Record Group Number: 147
Earl Crawford - WWI draft card
"United States World War I Draft Registration Cards, 1917-1918," database with images,FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:KZXF-PFZ : 12 December 2014), Earl Crawford, 1917-1918; citing Houston City no 4, Texas, United States, NARA microfilm publication M1509 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); FHL microfilm 1,953,726.
Earl Crawford
birth: August 30, 1892
location: Shelbyville, Shelby County, Texas
death: October 31, 1972
location: Laurel, Jones County, Mississippi
father: Louis Norman Napolean Crawford
mother:
spouse: Mary Atlas Truitt
1900 census
World War I draft card
1920 census
1930 census
1940 census
World War II draft card
burial
children with Mary Atlas Truitt:
Edna Earl Crawford - 1918
Helen Odell Crawford - 1920
Fred Benjamin Crawford - 1928
Mary Crawford - 1930
Walter Stuart Crawford - 1935
Dylan Taylor's great-great-grandfather
location: Shelbyville, Shelby County, Texas
death: October 31, 1972
location: Laurel, Jones County, Mississippi
father: Louis Norman Napolean Crawford
mother:
spouse: Mary Atlas Truitt
1900 census
World War I draft card
1920 census
1930 census
1940 census
World War II draft card
burial
children with Mary Atlas Truitt:
Edna Earl Crawford - 1918
Helen Odell Crawford - 1920
Fred Benjamin Crawford - 1928
Mary Crawford - 1930
Walter Stuart Crawford - 1935
Dylan Taylor's great-great-grandfather
Friday, October 28, 2016
Banana Cultures
Soluri,
John Banana Cultures: Agriculture,
Consumption, & Environmental Change in Honduras & the United States.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 2005.
Banana Cultures:
Agriculture, Consumption, & Environmental Change in Honduras & the
United States combines the fields of Environmental History and Economics to
look at the transformation of the banana from a simple Honduran plant into a
staple in American kitchens, and how the banana export trade changed cultural
practices and biophysical processes that have shaped global economic
institutions. In particular, Banana
Cultures outlines the commodity chain analysis of the banana export trade
which involves processing and transportation technologies that enabled banana
companies to hasten the pace of production, distribution, and sale of bananas
while cutting labor costs. The commodification of bananas made possible the mass
consumption of the fruit in North America.
The commodity chain analysis allows us to study how
products change along their routes from production to consumption. The banana’s
commodity chain begins on farms on the North Shore of Honduras and ends on
North American tables. Capital and power were concentrated specifically in
places between those farms and tables. Companies like the United Fruit Company and
the Cuyamel Fruit Company exploited the resources located within this commodity
chain and created a fruit for international mass consumption. The construction
of railroads in Honduras decreased the transportation time of bananas, allowing
the expansion of the export banana trade.
Fruit companies also experimented with quality control measures
as a way to standardize production processes. This step in the banana’s
commodity chain evolved around the Gros Michel variety of banana, which because
of its ultimate perishability would accrue and lose market price in just a few
days. When North American markets became saturated with Gros Michel bananas,
quality became important. Due to the eventual near-monopolization of banana transportation
methods, fruit companies were able to control those quality standardization
processes to a great extent.
Prior to becoming commonplace in the United States,
bananas were pop culture icons of the tropics. Bananas were associated with a
cultural inferiority of the tropics and exotic peoples. Over the nineteenth
century the symbolic meaning of the banana did not change, however the banana’s
economic importance changed immensely. As stated above, the rise of fresh fruit
consumption went hand in hand with a rise and shipping and transportation
methods. Because of the fossil fuel era, the banana went from a novelty to a
commodity in a relatively short period of time.
Advertising
served an important step in the commodity chain of the banana. Notwithstanding
its tropical origins, the banana helped define every-day consumer culture in
the United States. Fruit company executives dealt with how to market bananas
and make them more popular than ever. In 1944 the United Fruit Company launched
a radio campaign featuring a singing banana dubbed Miss Chiquita. After the
launch of Miss Chiquita, the Gros Michel banana was replaced by the Cavendish
variety. The Cavendish and Miss Chiquita turned an agricultural commodity into
a product that consumers could distinguish by brand name.
American
women played perhaps the most important part in the marketing of bananas. Women
were responsible for the grocery shopping in most American households and they
primarily bore the responsibility of making meals. As such, fruit companies aimed
advertising at American women. Recipe books and The Chiquita Banana Song helped
send the message that not all bananas were the same, but that the Chiquita
banana was superior. The United Fruit Company also published pamphlets
extolling the nutritional benefits of the banana.
Labor relations on the North Shore of Honduras evolved as
the banana generated mass appeal in North America. Easy to cultivate and
harvest, the banana was initially grown by small- and medium-scale growers.
Banana growers experienced a quick and steady return on labor and capital
investments. The North Shore actually experienced labor shortages in the early
years of the export banana trade. In the early twentieth century, fruit
companies began to dominate the landscape of banana farming. With banana
plantations, control of railroads and steamships, and the ability to control
quality standards, corporate fruit companies created a stranglehold on banana
exportation. The story of Luis Cabelleno illustrates how a small-scale banana
farmer was unable to keep up with market demand and quality standards while
turning a profit. Cabelleno lost steadily lost business over a six-year period,
eventually giving up banana cultivation.
By the mid-twentieth century, labor relations had evolved
on the North Shore to reflect the corporatization of the export banana trade.
Fruit companies created temporary employment opportunities with cyclical
layoffs during production cycles. Alongside the expansion of the Cavendish,
packaging plants were able to hire women and children. On the other hand,
plantation farming had a negative impact on the agricultural opportunities for
the Honduran working class. It became all but impossible for ordinary laborers
to find suitable land for farming. Artisan and worker organizations developed after
conflicts for the only profitable lands remaining for farming.
Temporary jobs created by the fruit companies’ expanding
operations attracted the underemployed and employed. Olancho, Honduras citizen,
Juan Gavilán, remembered the importance of personal contacts during the boom
years of the export banana trade. A motivated laborer had little trouble
finding and exchanging jobs on the banana plantations of the North Coast.
The North Shore
experienced drastic changes in the history of banana agricultural practices. Under
the guiding hand of United States’ capital and technology, banana farming saw
the transformation of small-scale banana farming into productive agricultural
spaces. United States’ fruit companies initially focused cultivation efforts on
Gros Michel. A bacterial plant disease, Panama disease, as it would be called, shifted
those efforts away from Gros Michel and towards the Cavendish. After the onset
of Panama disease fruit companies implemented a shift in plantation agriculture
driven by banana biology, interconnected agroecosystems, and mass-market structures.
Disease control became a primary focus of the fruit companies. At great expense
disease-control equipment was installed on company plantations and non-company
farms alike. Agricultural scientists were employed to study plant diseases,
control methods, and prevention.
A
major component in Banana Cultures is
the disease control methods on banana plantations and the effects on laborers. With
plant diseases like Panama disease and Sigatoka, fruit companies developed
herbicides and insecticides to continue the export banana trade. Bordeaux mixture
was made up of copper sulfate and used to combat Sigatoka. Laborers would be
inundated with a mist of the Bordeaux mixture, leaving their skin and clothes a
blue-green color. Cantalisio Andino worked on a North Shore banana plantation
and reported the underside of his bed turning blue after working a Bordeaux
sprayer. Laborers also reported respiratory illnesses that they attributed to
the chemicals used on banana plantations. By the 1970s nearly every phase of
banana production involved chemical involvement.
The
complicated dynamic between fruit companies, laborers, Cavendish banana plants,
and plant diseases prompted the greater use of fertilizers and herbicides to
boost banana yields. All the while, mass market appeal in North America
continued to grow.
Friday, October 21, 2016
Selman Smith - 1910 census
1910 census
location: Leagueville, Henderson County, Texas
date: April 25, 1910
Sellman D Smith head male white 20 single Texas farmer
Anna G Smith sister female white 30 single Texas
Sallie B Smith sister female white 32 single Texas
Una B Smith sister female white 17 single Texas
Ollie V Huston female white 17 single Texas
Ancestry.com. 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.
location: Leagueville, Henderson County, Texas
date: April 25, 1910
Sellman D Smith head male white 20 single Texas farmer
Anna G Smith sister female white 30 single Texas
Sallie B Smith sister female white 32 single Texas
Una B Smith sister female white 17 single Texas
Ollie V Huston female white 17 single Texas
Ancestry.com. 1910 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2006.
Thursday, October 13, 2016
Mary Atlas Truitt Crawford
birth: August 18, 1896
location: Texas
death: May 14, 1963
location: Monahans, Ward County, Texas
father: Alfred Joshua Truitt
mother: Bertie Truitt
spouse: Earl Crawford
1920 census
1930 census
1940 census
portrait
burial
children with Earl Crawford:
Edna Earl Crawford - 1918
Helen Odell Crawford - 1920
Fred Benjamin Crawford - 1928
Mary Crawford - 1930
Walter Stuart Crawford - 1935
Dylan Taylor's great-great-grandmother
location: Texas
death: May 14, 1963
location: Monahans, Ward County, Texas
father: Alfred Joshua Truitt
mother: Bertie Truitt
spouse: Earl Crawford
1920 census
1930 census
1940 census
portrait
burial
children with Earl Crawford:
Edna Earl Crawford - 1918
Helen Odell Crawford - 1920
Fred Benjamin Crawford - 1928
Mary Crawford - 1930
Walter Stuart Crawford - 1935
Dylan Taylor's great-great-grandmother
Earl Crawford - 1940 census
1940 census
location: Red River Parish, Louisiana
date: April 20, 1940
Earl Crawford head male white 49 married Louisiana
Mary T Crawford wife female white 37 married Louisiana
Earl Jr. Crawford son male white 13 single Louisiana
Fred Crawford son male white 12 single Louisiana
Mary Crawford daughter female white 10 single Louisiana
Walter Crawford son male white 5 single Louisiana
Ancestry.com. 1940 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2012.
location: Red River Parish, Louisiana
date: April 20, 1940
Earl Crawford head male white 49 married Louisiana
Mary T Crawford wife female white 37 married Louisiana
Earl Jr. Crawford son male white 13 single Louisiana
Fred Crawford son male white 12 single Louisiana
Mary Crawford daughter female white 10 single Louisiana
Walter Crawford son male white 5 single Louisiana
Ancestry.com. 1940 United States Federal Census [database on-line]. Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations, Inc., 2012.
Wednesday, October 12, 2016
Andrew Jackson Adrian
birth: May 20, 1859
location: Smith County, Texas
death:
location: July 12, 1927
father: John David German Adrian
mother: Sarah Turner
spouse: Mary Chandler
1860 census
1870 census
article
burial
children with Mary Chandler:
German Crawford Adrian - 1888
Mary Gaudie Adrian - 1891
Sarah R Adrian - 1894
Millie A Adrian - 1895
William Bertis Adrian - 1899
Andrew B Adrian - 1902
John Buchanan Adrian - 1904
Clara George Adrian - 1908
Claudia Elizabeth Adrian - 1911
location: Smith County, Texas
death:
location: July 12, 1927
father: John David German Adrian
mother: Sarah Turner
spouse: Mary Chandler
1860 census
1870 census
article
burial
children with Mary Chandler:
German Crawford Adrian - 1888
Mary Gaudie Adrian - 1891
Sarah R Adrian - 1894
Millie A Adrian - 1895
William Bertis Adrian - 1899
Andrew B Adrian - 1902
John Buchanan Adrian - 1904
Clara George Adrian - 1908
Claudia Elizabeth Adrian - 1911
Friday, October 7, 2016
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